When a Government minister attacks "critics in clerical collars" and bases his attack on a caricature of the position adopted by one of the most prominent critics in that category, then some questions suggest themselves.
Did the attack by Minister for Justice, Michael McDowell (Irish Independent, page 1, December 5th, 2003) have something to do with the fact that the CORI Justice Commission's analysis and critique of Budget 2004 was published only hours before the Minister's attack? This critique had exposed the Government's failure to honour its commitment, contained in the present National Agreement Sustaining Progress and in the National Anti-Poverty Strategy, to benchmark the lowest social welfare rates.
It also exposed the fallacy contained in the Minister for Finance's Budget speech where he argued that job creation was the solution to social exclusion. Likewise, the Commission's critique pointed out that the Government was investing in infrastructure at the expense of social protection.
It is not true to suggest, as Minister McDowell did, that his critics "were not really concerned about prosperity". It would, however, be very accurate to say that they were equally concerned with the distribution of that prosperity so as to ensure a reduction in Ireland's rich/poor gap which is the worst in the European Union. The recently published ESRI study on poverty adds further weight to our emphasis in this context.
In our response to Budget 2004 the CORI Justice Commission acknowledged the social welfare increases were well ahead of what pundits had forecast. We also acknowledged the Minister’s statement that he will implement the social welfare commitments contained in Sustaining Progress. However, we pointed out that Government has left itself with a very substantial bridge to cross. If it is to meet its social welfare commitments by 2007 as promised in the National Anti-Poverty Strategy (NAPS) and in Sustaining Progress then the lowest social welfare rate will have to rise by €47.90 over the next three budgets.
We went on to show that the Minister’s claims on a range of issues indicated an approach that will ultimately fail to address social exclusion despite his claims to the contrary.
For example, his claim that job-creation is the appropriate strategy if we are to achieve real social inclusion simply fails to recognise the present situation where almost 60% of those living in poverty are in households headed by a person outside the labour force. These people are retired, ill or have a disability that keeps them out of the labour market or they are in the category ‘on home duties’. This fact was identified as "striking" in the latest ESRI poverty study. As they are not in a position to take up a job the minister’s response to their situation is simply adding insult to injury. At the same time we emphasised our support for ongoing job-creation. Our activities in the past decade have demonstrated our commitment to creating meaningful jobs in a variety of areas.
Likewise, the Minister’s comments on the appropriate level of taxation would mean that Ireland's Exchequer would never have the resources to tackle poverty and social exclusion in an effective way. He criticised those who argue that Ireland’s total tax take should be moved “towards the levels of some other states in Europe”. The Minister failed to point out that Ireland has the lowest total tax-take of any EU country. He also failed to indicate how he proposes to bridge the present social provision deficits which are endured by Ireland’s poor and excluded people every day of their lives.
Despite the efforts of apologists for the better off in Irish society to convince us to the contrary, the present level of taxation is not sufficient to bring Ireland’s social provision anywhere close to EU average levels.
In fact, what the CORI Justice Commission has argued is that the total tax-take should move from being the lowest to being the second lowest in the EU, nothing more. This would provide the necessary resources to ensure social provision was given the required priority in the Budget.
The Minister is also misguided in the way he deals with the huge surplus in the current budget. The current budget is projected to be almost €3 billion in surplus for 2004. Government refuses to use this surplus to bring Ireland’s social services (e.g. education, social housing, and social welfare) up to average EU levels. We believe that infrastructure development is important but it should not be at the expense of social provision.
Ireland is no longer a poor country. Its per capita income is now one of the highest in the EU. Yet Ireland’s infrastructure and social provision are far below the EU average. Our growing poverty rates, unequal income distribution, growing rich/poor gap and under-equipped health and education systems represent the most visible signs of the extensive gaps in our social provision. The insufficient supply of social housing and the huge problems with public transport impact on poor people every day. In the context of continued economic growth and per capita income well above the EU average, the opportunity to address these deficits remains available. Yet Government has chosen to put the resources elsewhere.
When a Government Minister caricatures his critics' positions on various policies and then attacks the caricature it is time for people to check for themselves whether or not these critics have something to say that is so close to the truth that a Minister would be happier if people did not hear them. Our positions on a wide range of issues, as well as our analysis and critique of Budget 2004, are available on our website for all to see at www.cori.ie/justice. We welcome responses to our policy positions from anyone, including from Government Ministers.
Ireland's poorest people have waited far too long. For years successive Governments have promised to eliminate poverty when adequate resources were available. Some progress was made on this commitment in recent years with the substantial increase in jobs and the decrease in the number of people unemployed. But the proportion of the population living in poverty is higher now than it was in 1987. And that poverty line is not high - it is equivalent to €175 a week for a single person in 2003.
The failure of Government strategy in tackling poverty can be found, in part, when we look at the groups that are living in poverty. More than 56% of these live in households headed by a person who is not in the labour force. They are ill or retired or have a disability that keeps them out of the labour force or are in that category called "on home duties".
As they are not in the labour force in the first place a strategy that suggests a job will solve their poverty is not sufficient. They rely on social welfare payments and that is why the level of social welfare rates is such a crucial issue in tackling poverty in Ireland today.
The current national agreement Sustaining Progress contains a commitment by Government to benchmark the lowest social welfare rates at 30% of average industrial earnings. This was the target set in the Government's own National Anti-Poverty Strategy and it is to be reached by 2007. If this benchmark is to be honoured in Budget 2004 the lowest social welfare payments must rise by at least €12 a week for a single person and €20 for a couple on Wednesday next.
But that is not the whole explanation for Ireland's persistent high poverty rates. An analysis of Ireland’s spending on social protection against that of other EU countries is very telling. Social protection expenditure is defined by Eurostat to include spending on: sickness/health care, disability, old age, survivors, family/children, unemployment, housing and social inclusion initiatives not elsewhere classified. Using either GDP or GNP, Ireland’s spending on social expenditure stands out as the lowest in Europe. There remains a considerable gap between Ireland and the next lowest country, Spain.
Side by side with this low social expenditure Ireland's total tax take is the lowest in the EU. In recent years Ireland has evolved into a low- tax economy. During the last year the OECD published a review which showed that Ireland collected a lower proportion of GDP in tax than any other country across the European Union. A recent CORI Justice Commission analysis has updated these figures following Budget 2003.
Ireland also has one of the worst rich/poor gaps in the EU.. The most recent data on income distribution, from the 2000 HBS, indicates a further shift in the distribution of Ireland’s income towards the well off. In 2000, the top 10% of the population received 25.90% of the total income while the poorest 50% only received 23.29%.
The widening rich/poor gap and the rising numbers living in relative income poverty are not an accident. Rather, they flow directly from Government policy. For example, the gap between an unemployed person and a person on €50,000 a year has widened by €276 a week (€14,350 a year) over the past six years as a result of this Government’s budget decisions.
Ireland continues to display serious deficits in its infrastructure and social provision. In a European context our roads, railways, IT broadband and transport systems compare badly. Similarly, our growing poverty rates, unequal income distribution, growing rich/poor gap and under-equipped health, education and social housing systems represent the most visible signs of the extensive gaps in our social provision. In the context of continued economic growth and per capita income well above the European average, the opportunity to address these deficits is available.
Ireland's total tax-take needs to be raised to be the second lowest in the EU. This increase should not come from income tax or employee PRSI which are close to the EU average. Rather it should be collected through a number of initiatives such as the elimination of tax expenditures that are simply state handouts to the wealthiest in the country. The standard-rating of tax breaks which benefit the better off more than those who are poor would also be a step in the right direction. The CORI Justice Commission's Policy Briefing on Budget Choices lists a range of options that Government could follow to raise its total tax-take in an equitable and fair way. This is necessary if poverty and social exclusion are ever to be addressed on a sufficient scale in Ireland.
In the years of economic growth and prosperity the gap between rich and poor has further widened. Never before has the distribution of income in Ireland been so unequal. New Government priorities are urgently required.
A society is measured by how it treats its most vulnerable people. By this measurement Ireland is failing dismally. Government can go some way towards rectifying the imbalance in its Budget decisions next Wednesday. Honouring its benchmarking commitments on the lowest social welfare rates should be the Budget's number one priority.
Budget 2004 was a small down-payment on the implementation of the Government’s commitments on social exclusion contained in the current national agreement. Despite the Minister’s claims to the contrary, the impact of the Budget’s initiatives will be relatively limited in tackling the substantial poverty, inequality and social exclusion which still persists in Ireland today.
We acknowledge the social welfare increases were well ahead of what pundits had forecast. We also acknowledge the Minister’s statement that he will implement the social welfare commitments contained in Sustaining Progress. However, Government has left itself with a very substantial bridge to cross. If it is to meet its social welfare commitments by 2007 as promised in the National Anti-Poverty Strategy (NAPS) and in Sustaining Progress then the lowest social welfare rate will have to rise by €47.90 over the next three budgets. (cf page 3)
However, the Minister’s claims on a range of issues indicate an approach that will ultimately fail to address social exclusion.
Welcome InitiativesThere are a number of initiatives we welcome in the Budget. Among these are:
|
For example, his claim that job-creation is the appropriate goal if we are to achieve real social inclusion simply fails to recognise the present situation where almost 60% of those living in poverty are in households headed by a person outside the labour force. These people are retired, ill or have a disability that keeps them out of the labour market or they are in the category ‘on home duties’. As they are not in a position to take up a job the minister’s response to their situation is simply adding insult to injury (cf. page 3)
Likewise, the Minister’s comments on the appropriate level of taxation would mean that Ireland would never have the resources to tackle poverty and social exclusion in an effective way. He criticised those who argue that Ireland’s total tax take should be moved “towards the levels of some other states in Europe”. The Minister failed to point out that Ireland has the lowest total tax-take of any EU country. He also failed to indicate how he proposes to bridge the present social provision deficits which are endured by Ireland’s poor and excluded people every day of their lives.
Despite the efforts of apologists for the better off in Irish society to convince us to the contrary, the present level of taxation is not sufficient to bring Ireland’s social provision anywhere close to EU average levels. (cf. page 3)
In fact, what the CORI Justice Commission has argued is that the total tax-take should move from being the lowest to being the second lowest in the EU, nothing more. This would provide the necessary resources to ensure social provision was given the required priority in the Budget.
The Minister is also misguided in the way he deals with the huge surplus in the current budget. The current budget is almost €3 billion in surplus for 2004. Government refuses to use this surplus to bring Ireland’s social services (e.g. education, healthcare, social welfare) up to average EU levels. We believe that infrastructure development is important but it should not be at the expense of social provision. (cf page 7)
Ireland’s poorest people have again been told to wait. They have waited too long. Ireland already has the widest rich/poor gap of any country in the EU. If the Minister for Finance’s approach is followed in the years ahead then Ireland will be an even more deeply divided two-tier society. This situation is unjust, unfair, unacceptable and unsustainable.
Ireland is no longer a poor country. Its per capita income is now one of the highest in the EU. Yet Ireland’s infrastructure and social provision are far below the EU average. Our growing poverty rates, unequal income distribution, growing rich/poor gap and under-equipped health and education systems represent the most visible signs of the extensive gaps in our social provision. The insufficient supply of social housing and the huge problems with public transport impact on poor people every day. In the context of continued economic growth and per capita income well above the EU average, the opportunity to address these deficits remains available. Yet Government has chosen not to avail of this opportunity.
For example, if Ireland’s total tax-take were raised so as to become the second lowest in the EU then an additional €1.25 billion would have been available for moving Ireland towards being the kind of society in which most Irish people wish to live. We believe this amount should have been raised from the better off in Irish society - not by income tax increases. Rather it should have been collected through a number of initiatives such as the elimination of tax expenditures that are simply state handouts to the wealthiest in the country. The standard-rating of tax breaks which benefit the better off more than those who are poor would also be a step in the right direction.
That additional money could have been allocated towards:
Ultimately, Government’s choices in Budget 2004 were based on their vision for the future. We believe that vision is short-sighted. It maintains a deeply divided, two-tier society in a period when we have the opportunity and the resoursces to build a society with a place for everyone, where every man, woman and child has sufficient to live life with dignity; where everyone has meaningful work, relevant education, essential healthcare and appropriate accommodation; where everyone can participate in shaping the decisions that affect them; where everyone’s culture is respected and the environment is protected.
The resources exist to build such a society. Budget 2004 shows once again that it is the political will that is missing.
Budget 2004’s increase of €10 per week in the level of unemployment assistance is a step in the right direction. We acknowledge this in the minister’s own words as ‘a down-payment’ on the implementation of the government’s commitment under Sustaining Progress. The minimum rate of unemployment assistance in 2004 will rise from €124.80 to €134.80. However, it remains clear that it is not possible to live life with dignity on this amount of money.
In 2002, the National Anti-Poverty Strategy (NAPS) Review set the following as a key target: “to achieve a rate of €150 per week in 2002 terms for the lowest rates of social welfare to be met by 2007”.
This target was a major breakthrough in social, economic and philosophical terms. The target of €150 a week is equivalent to 30% of Gross Average Industrial Earnings (GAIE) in 2002. This means that social welfare rates will be benchmarked to increases in average industrial wages from now on and should reach €182.70 by 2007.
|
Minimum UA after Budget 2004 |
134.8 |
|
Promised UA in 2007 (NAPS) |
182.7 |
|
Difference to be bridged 2005-2007 |
47.9 |
|
Necessary average increases Budgets 2005-2007 |
15.97 |
To honour this NAPS commitment the average increase in the minimum level of unemployment assistance across the next three budgets must be €15.97 per week. We believe this should be paid as follows: €14 in Budget 2005, €16 in Budget 2006 and €17.90 in Budget 2007. To honour its commitments Government must deliver these increases.
In his Budget speech the Minister for Finance, Mr Charlie McCreevy TD, criticised those he said “fail to see that job creation is the appropriate goal if we are to achieve real social inclusion.” In fact it is the Minister who is misreading reality.
An analysis of the most recent poverty figures for Ireland reveals that almost 60% of those households living in poverty are headed by a person outside the labour force. These people are retired, ill or have a disability that keeps them out of the labour market or they are in the category ‘on home duties’.
Consequently, to assert, as the Minister does, that job creation will take these people out of poverty, is to dodge the reality of poverty in Ireland and ignore what is required to tackle this unacceptable reality.
The Minister’s approach ignores the current situation and the fact that fewer than 10% of people living in poverty are in households headed by a person who is unemployed. To suggest that a job will solve these people’s poverty is simply to insult them. Is Government asking that the elderly return to work? that the ill leave their sick beds and take up a job? Such an approach adds insult to injury. Yet this is what Government is advocating when it argues that jobs will solve the social exclusion problem.
Jobs are important. CORI Justice Commission has constantly acknowledged the huge increase in jobs, the substantial reduction in unemployment in recent years as well as the importance of job creation.
However, jobs will only tackle a small proportion of the present poverty problem. That is why social welfare rates are so important and why Government must honour its commitment to benchmark the lowest social welfare rates.
In his Budget statement Minister McCreevy questioned ‘those who mistakenly call for us (the Government) to increase our tax burden towards the levels of some other States in Europe’. CORI Justice Commission has been to the fore in calling for this change. Continually we have stated that, in recent years, Ireland has evolved into a too-low tax economy where the tax burden is such that it is incapable of adequately supporting the economic, social and infrastructural requirements necessary to complete Ireland’s convergence with the rest of Europe.
In recent years Ireland’s total tax burden has continued to fall. Latest figures from the OECD (2003) confirm that the Irish Government now gathers a lower proportion of gross domestic product (GDP) in tax than any other European country. Indeed, across the entire 30 OECD countries only Japan and Mexico possess a lower tax take.
In 2002, Ireland’s total taxation as a percentage of GDP equalled 28%. This figure has fallen by more than 1% since the equivalent examination by the OECD for 2001. The second lowest European figure is recorded by Portugal where 34% of GDP is collected in taxes. The EU average figure is 40.5% of GDP.
Internationally, the United States, traditionally seen as a very low tax economy with limited social care policies, has a tax burden in excess of Ireland. The US tax take equals 28.9% of GDP, almost 1% higher that the corresponding Irish figure.
CORI Justice Commission acknowledges that the lowering of Ireland tax rates has played an important role in Ireland’s economic development over the past decade. However, while we may wish to remain a low tax economy, we are currently a too-low tax economy and the effect of this phenomenon continues to have visible and expensive social and economic repercussions.

Notes: * Except in LTU case where there is no earner ** LTU: Long Term Unemployed

Notes: * Except in LTU case where there is no earner ** LTU: Long Term Unemployed
|
2003 Post-Budget |
€ |
|
|
% of Total Gross Expenditure* |
||
|
Service of National Debt |
|
|
|
1842 |
4.7 |
|
499 |
1.3 |
|
39 |
0.1 |
|
|
2381 |
6.1 |
|
|
|
|
|
EU Budget Contribution |
1212 |
3.1 |
|
|
|
|
|
Economic Services |
|
|
|
1210 |
3.1 |
|
1274 |
3.2 |
|
139 |
0.4 |
|
164 |
0.4 |
|
|
2787 |
7.1 |
|
|
|
|
|
Infrastructure |
176 |
0.4 |
|
|
|
|
|
Social Services |
|
|
|
9510 |
24.2 |
|
6059 |
15.4 |
|
11295 |
28.7 |
|
422 |
1.1 |
|
|
27286 |
69.4 |
|
|
|
|
|
Security |
2589 |
6.6 |
|
Other |
2914 |
7.4 |
|
|
|
|
|
Gross Current Expenditure |
39345 |
100 |
| * Note that figures may not add due to rounding. | ||
|
Tax Revenue |
|
€m |
|
Non-Tax Revenue |
|
€m |
|
Customs |
137 |
Central Bank Surplus |
344 |
|||
|
Excise Duties |
4,864 |
National Lottery Surplus |
217 |
|||
|
Capital Taxes |
1001 |
Interest on Loans and Dividends |
88 |
|||
|
Stamp Duties |
1,600 |
Issue of Coin |
75 |
|||
|
Income Tax |
10,077 |
Other Receipts |
95 |
|||
|
Corporation Tax |
5,348 |
|
||||
|
Value Added Tax |
10,368 |
Total Non-Tax Revenue |
819 |
|||
|
Agricultural Levies (EU) |
5 |
|
|
|||
|
Total Tax Receipts |
33400 |
TOTAL CURRENT RECEIPTS |
34219 |
An assessment of the state of the Budget finances presented by the Minister of Finance is revealing. Projections for the next three years indicate that budget deficits are being driven by sustained levels of capital account investment (of almost €6bn a year). However, for the years 2004-2006 the Department has calculated that current account surpluses will average at €3.59 billion annually.
The reality of this fiscal position is that the Irish Economy has returned to a position that other European countries regard as the ‘optimal’. Indeed, if anything the Irish exchequer’s position would be regarded as super-healthy. It therefore remains a puzzle why the Minister for Finance creates the impression that these overall budget deficits are economically unhealthy. It is equally puzzling why the aim of his budget management policies have remained concentrated on minimising the overall exchequer deficit and achieving this by contracting spending, and spending growth, in the current account.
It is clear from the Department of Finance projections that there remains significant room for further current account spending over the next few years. Additional spending of €1.5 billion a year is more than feasible. Its effect would only be to reduce the sizeable current account surpluses and to increase marginally the scale of overall budget deficits. Following such a move, the General Government Balance as a % of GDP would remain well below 3%.
Based on these figures, it is clear that the Minister could have spent a lot more in Budget 2004. In the context of the socio-economic problems persisting in Ireland today we believe that these funds should be used to address them.
Major changes could have been funded in this Budget if the Minister was willing to take a more realistic and standard approach to managing fiscal policy.
The Budget provided funding for the introduction of a new Rural Social Scheme providing places for 2,500 people. This is aimed at “improving rural services in a more efficient way and at the same time providing an income for small farmers with a working week compatible with farming.” This is a welcome initiative. But it must be put into context.
In the past two years the number of places available on Community Employment (CE) schemes has been reduced by 10,800 to their present level of 20,000. Government saved €135 million by making these reductions.
No programme was put in place to secure the future of the services when CE funding was cut. Consequently, a large number of organisations have been forced to reduce or, in many cases, terminate their services.
While this new programme is different to CE it will mean that 2,500 more places will be available on programmes providing support for a wide range of activities in local communities. However before the operation/implementation aspects of this programme are finalised we hope there will be more dialogue with the communities and people concerned.
This will go some way towards redressing the loss in support for such activities that had resulted from the reductions in CE places.
CORI Justice Commission believes that the services provided by local organisations should not be forced to depend on financing being made available only if long-term unemployed people are recruited by the project. Either these services (such as ‘meals on wheels’) are necessary or they are not. If they are necessary then there should be a specific programme to finance such services.
We continue to urge Government, in the strongest terms possible, to establish a new fund to support the many projects that find themselves in this situation.
Government has abandoned its own target to eliminate long-term unemployment. This target was contained in the revised National Anti-Poverty Strategy (NAPS) published in 2002 and in the Government’s Employment Action Plan submitted to European Commission earlier this year.
In the Minister’s Budget speech he forecast that, despite a growth of 23,000 in the number of people in jobs in the coming year, the unemployment rate will rise to 5%. This is a slight increase on the present level.
This forecast is of special interest given the Minister’s assertion that job creation is the solution to social exclusion. As we have shown on page 3 the Minister is mistaken in his assertion.
At the same time, tackling unemployment is very important. Alternative strategies are required to ensure that people who are long-term unemployed are not left outside the labour force for the rest of their lives. Should Ireland, for example, continue to expend resources to increase further the number of jobs available?
Given the problems being experienced in trying to increase the labour supply (by recruiting women, older people and people from abroad) and given the fact that one in every six people in poverty lives in a household headed by a person with a low-paid job, should more emphasis be placed on improving the quality of jobs available, and the education, training and life-long learning capacity of people in the labour force? Likewise, should it not be recognised that some people will need ‘supported’ employment for some time to come?
A broader focus than is currently the case would be likely to have a better impact on both long-term unemployment and poverty.
The most recent ESRI report on poverty in Ireland recorded that in 2000 one in every four households and one in every five people in Ireland were living in poverty. Of those households in poverty almost two-thirds (65.7%) contained children. Overall the report found that almost one in every four Irish children was living in poverty. This figure equals almost 300,000 children. Given that our children are our future, these child poverty figures are shocking and beyond acceptability.
Budget 2004 was an opportunity to respond to this situation. However, this Budget brought little good news for the nation’s poor children. The increase of €6 in child benefit was far below that necessary for the government to meet its commitment in the National Children’s Strategy. This commitment was re-affirmed in Sustaining Progress.
This increase brings the child benefit level for the first and second child to €131.60 per month and €165.30 for third and subsequent children. The real value of this increase can be judged after taking into account the effect of inflation which according to the Budget will be 2.5% in 2004. Looking at the rates for the first and second child inflation erodes €3.14 of the monthly increase. The real increase for children is therefore only €2.86 a month. This equals 66c a week or less than 10c a day. This is hardly a suitable response to Ireland’s child poverty problem.
We welcome the additional allocation of €1m to fund school meals. However given the above increases in child benefit and the extent of child poverty this service provides a very necessary function. We are also concerned at the absence of an increase in the Back to School allowance. This is an important allowance for poor families, and in the context of increasing price levels, the failure to increase it is of concern.
Despite the advances in employment and economic growth achieved over the last few years, the phenomenon of poverty remains large. Its sustained existence, at high and increasing levels, remains as one of this country’s major failures.
The most up-to-date data available on poverty in Ireland comes from the 2000 Living in Ireland Survey, conducted by the ESRI. Using the 50% poverty line, the findings reveal that at the height of the recent period of economic prosperity one in every four households and one in every five people in Ireland were living in poverty. These figures allowed the ESRI to conclude that Ireland has a high rate of relative income poverty compared to other EU countries and that it is caused by structural factors that need to be tackled while the resources are available to do so (Layte et al, 2001). Commenting on the scale of these poverty figures, an editorial in The Irish Times, 5 September 2002 concluded by posing the question “how viable is such a society in the long run?”
To be poor in Ireland today means that you are:
Budget 2004 has done little for the large number of people experiencing poverty.
This Budget once again underscores the sustained failure of the Government to come to grips with the scale of the problem facing people who need social housing. Its lack of urgency on this issue is unacceptable.
The latest Housing Statistics Bulletin issued by Government in March 2003 showed there was a total of 48,413 households on local-authority waiting lists. This figure is 76.5% higher than it was in 1996, and indicates that about 130,000 people are in need of accommodation. This figure does not include many homeless people.
Side by side with the growth in waiting lists, there has been minimal growth in the provision of local authority social housing. Since 1996 the overall stock has increased by only 4,395 units or less than 5%. It is hardly surprising that waiting lists are increasing substantially.
Furthermore, Government policy is supporting a situation where a quarter of all houses built are unoccupied for most of the year, while the number of households on waiting lists are not being reduced in any significant way.
There seems something perverse in the fact that the taxpayer is providing substantial subsidies to the owners of these unoccupied (mostly holiday) houses by paying for the infrastructure that supports them such as water, roads, sewage systems, electricity etc. while so many people don’t have basic adequate accommodation. And, while doing this, its allocation for social housing for 2004 will result in a shortfall of between 2,500 and 3,000 social housing units when compared to the Government’s own targets set in the National Development Plan (NDP).
There is an unacceptable lack of urgency in Government’s response to this issue.
Total Social Welfare improvements will cost €630 million. The following are the main changes for 2004:
INCREASES: PERSONAL RATES
INCREASES: QUALIFIED ADULT ALLOWANCES
INCREASES: CHILD AND FAMILY INCOME
CARERS INCREASES
ADDITIONAL FUNDING
INCOME TAX
FARMER TAXATION
CORPORATION TAX
VAT & EXCISES
OTHER
What deserves most attention in relation to taxation is what the Minister did not do:
However,
• We regret that the budget has not sufficiently addressed the issue of providing basic infrastructure and services based on principles of equity and social justice in rural areas. A real vision for rural areas and a commitment to realising that vision is still lacking in the approach of government to rural development
• We welcome the proposal for decentralisation of government departments for the boost which it will give to the rural economy of a large number of communities. We would advocate that the government take steps to ensure that this move does not reduce the thrust towards a better integration of policies between departments, and that there is no reduction in the levels of access to government departments by the citizen
• We welcome the concept which underpins the new rural social scheme, as a measure which will provide part time employment for farmers and improved services in rural areas. However we await further details of the new scheme before a more thorough appraisal of the proposal can be made
• We regret the reduced allocations to equality, disability and social inclusion measures at a time when progress on each of these is a declared priority of public policy
It is estimated that there are almost 50,000 households or 130,000 people on Local Authority Housing lists and some 5,500 people homeless.
|
PERSONAL AND QUALIFIED ADULT RATES |
Present Rate |
New Rate |
Increase |
|
|
€ |
€ |
€ |
|
Retirement Pension/Old Age Contributory Pension: |
|
|
|
|
|||
|
157.3 |
167.3 |
10 |
|
262.1 |
278.8 |
16.7 |
|
278.8 |
296.5 |
17.7 |
|
|||
|
163.7 |
173.7 |
10 |
|
268.5 |
285.2 |
16.7 |
|
285.2 |
302.9 |
17.7 |
|
Widow's/Widower's Contributory Pension: |
|||
|
130.3 |
140.3 |
10 |
|
155.8 |
167.3 |
11.5 |
|
162.2 |
173.7 |
11.5 |
|
Invalidity Pension: |
|||
|
|||
|
130.3 |
140.3 |
10 |
|
223.3 |
240.4 |
17.1 |
|
243.4 |
269.5 |
26.1 |
|
|||
|
157.3 |
167.3 |
10 |
|
250.3 |
267.4 |
17.1 |
|
270.4 |
296.5 |
26.1 |
|
|||
|
163.7 |
173.7 |
10 |
|
256.7 |
273.8 |
17.1 |
|
276.8 |
302.9 |
26.1 |
|
Carers Benefit |
|||
|
139.7 |
149.7 |
10 |
|
Occupational Injuries Benefit - Death Benefit Pension: |
|||
|
153.6 |
163.6 |
10 |
|
161.7 |
171.7 |
10 |
|
161.7 |
173.7 |
12 |
|
Occupational Injuries Benefit - Disablement Pension: |
|||
|
155.9 |
165.9 |
10 |
|
Disability / Unemployment Benefit: |
|||
|
124.8 |
134.8 |
10 |
|
207.6 |
224.2 |
16.6 |
|
Injury Benefit/Health and Safety Benefit: |
|||
|
124.8 |
134.8 |
10 |
|
207.6 |
224.2 |
16.6 |
|
Orphan's Contributory Allowance |
97 |
107 |
10 |
|
|
€ |
€ |
€ |
|
Supplementary Allowance payable to Blind Persons |
|
||
|
38.8
|
41.9
|
3.1
|
|
77.6
|
83.8
|
6.2
|
|
Infectious Diseases Maintenance Allowance |
|||
|
124.8
|
134.8
|
10
|
|
208.8
|
224.2
|
15.4
|
|
Retirement Pension/Old Age Non Contributory Pension: |
|||
|
|||
|
144
|
154
|
10 |
|
239.2
|
255.8
|
16.6
|
|
239.2
|
255.8
|
16.6
|
|
|||
|
150.4
|
160.4
|
10
|
|
245.6
|
262.2
|
16.6
|
|
Blind Person's Pension: |
|||
|
|||
|
124.8
|
134.8
|
10
|
|
207.6
|
224.2
|
16.6
|
|
220
|
236.6
|
16.6
|
|
|||
|
144
|
154
|
10
|
|
226.8
|
243.4
|
16.6
|
|
239.2
|
255.8
|
16.6
|
|
|||
|
150.4
|
160.4
|
10
|
|
233.2
|
249.8
|
16.6
|
|
245.6
|
262.2
|
16.6
|
|
Widow's/Widower's Non-Contributory Pension: |
|||
|
124.8
|
134.8
|
10
|
|
144
|
154
|
10
|
|
150.4
|
160.4
|
10
|
|
One-Parent Family Payment (including one child): |
|||
|
144.1
|
154.1
|
10
|
|
163.3
|
173.3
|
10
|
|
Carer's Allowance: |
|||
|
129.6
|
139.6
|
10
|
|
147.8
|
157.8
|
10
|
|
Disability Allowance |
|||
|
124.8
|
134.8
|
10
|
|
207.6
|
224.2
|
16.6
|
|
Supplementary Welfare Allowance: |
|||
|
124.8
|
134.8
|
10
|
|
207.6
|
224.2
|
16.6
|
|
Unemployment Assistance: |
|||
|
124.8
|
134.8
|
10
|
|
207.6
|
224.2
|
16.6
|
|
Pre-Retirement Allowance / Farm Assist |
|||
|
124.8
|
134.8
|
10
|
|
207.6
|
224.2
|
16.6
|
|
Orphan's Non-Contributory Pension |
97
|
107
|
10
|
|
|
€ |
€ |
€ |
|
Child Benefit |
|
|
|
|
125.6
|
131.6
|
6
|
|
157.3
|
165.3
|
8
|
Within this allocation: